In The Community
Originally published in The Latino Newsletter–reprinted with permission.
Opinion for The Latino Newsletter
ATLANTA — The artificial intelligence revolution is already here, and Latinos are leading it. While corporate commitments to DEI quietly fade and policymakers roll back diversity initiatives, AI’s Latino leaders haven’t waited for permission. We’ve never needed corporate handouts to build, and we’ve never asked for a seat at the table. We just built our own.
From engineering breakthroughs to financial services transformation, we’re redefining AI’s impact on global markets. The conversation about Latinos in tech has been stuck in a cycle of diversity and inclusion.
This needs to stop.
It’s time to shift that narrative to ownership, influence, and industry-shaping power. AI’s future depends on who wields it, and Latinos are doing so with precision.
Latino leadership in AI is already undeniable. Marco Mascorro is transforming warehouse logistics with AI-driven robotics at Fellow AI. Daniela Braga is building the data backbone for AI language models at Defined.ai. Rafael Cosman, Founder and CEO of Protogon Research, is pushing the boundaries of AI toward superintelligence with models designed for a deep, true understanding of the world.
These aren’t just “diversity” stories. They are market-shifting forces redefining industries.
Never Outsiders
Despite these successes, the tech mainstream still frames Latinos as outsiders. That outdated perception ignores the reality that we are driving AI’s evolution. You might think AI is being shaped only in research labs, but that is not true. Problem-solvers with real-world experience are the ones making it happen. Latinos bring precisely that, applying AI to tangible, high-impact challenges across sectors.
What makes Latinos uniquely suited to lead in AI, particularly in applied AI, is a mindset forged by resilience, adaptability, and the ability to improvise when mainstream responses fail. Multilingual expertise allows us to bridge gaps between industries and markets, making AI more adaptable, scalable, and human-centered. Many of us have navigated historical high inflation and interest rates, developing an innate ability to live with less, optimize resources, and persevere in scarce environments. We have grown up connected to regions marked by political instability, honing an ability to operate in uncertainty, take action even when the future is unclear, and build solutions without predefined roadmaps.
Latinos are driving AI’s most relevant and beneficial applications. The ability to adapt, build from uncertainty, and solve problems outside traditional frameworks makes us central to AI’s future.
No More Bias
As it stands today, though, AI is deeply flawed. Bias infects its models. Accessibility is an afterthought. Trust is collapsing. And the people building it have never lived the experiences that AI is supposed to serve.
That’s why Latinos are shaping and fixing AI before it fails us all.
Investors who overlook Latino-led AI companies are missing out on some of the most innovative, high-growth businesses of the decade. Tech leaders who fail to elevate Latino AI talent at leadership levels are setting themselves up for failure. Policymakers who exclude Latino AI innovators from regulatory discussions are making a critical mistake in shaping the future of artificial intelligence.
Latinos contribute $3.6 trillion to the U.S. economy. If that were a country, it’d be the fifth largest in the world. Why wouldn’t we be at the center of AI’s future?
AI is moving fast, and so are Latinos. Our time is already here.
Investors, policymakers, and tech leaders have a choice: build with us or be left behind. Latinos in AI aren’t just the future.
We are the present.
And the present doesn’t wait.
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When disasters, conflicts, or crises strike, millions of people around the world find themselves caught in the chaos. For some, returning home becomes impossible, and that’s where Temporary Protected Status (TPS) comes in. This U.S. immigration program is a lifeline for many, offering a temporary safe haven to those who can’t safely return to their home countries. But what exactly is TPS, and how does it work? Here are 10 key facts you should know.
TPS Was Created as a Humanitarian Measure
Photo by Tom Fisk
TPS was established under the Immigration Act of 1990 as a way for the U.S. to provide humanitarian relief to people from countries experiencing extreme conditions, like armed conflict, environmental disasters, or other extraordinary circumstances that make returning home unsafe. The idea is simple: if a country is going through a crisis, its citizens already in the U.S. shouldn’t be forced to return to danger.
Not Just Anyone Can Apply
Photo by Leeloo The First
To qualify for TPS, an individual must be a national of a country designated for TPS and must have been continuously present in the U.S. since a specific cutoff date. There’s also a designated registration period during which eligible individuals must apply. Simply being from a country in crisis isn’t enough, you have to meet strict guidelines and deadlines.
It Protects People from Deportation
David Peinado Romero - Shutterstock
One of the biggest benefits of TPS is that it protects recipients from deportation while their status is active. That means TPS holders cannot be removed from the U.S. simply because their home country is in turmoil. This protection gives people the stability they need to work, live, and contribute to their communities without fear of being sent back to dangerous conditions.
TPS Holders Can Work Legally in the U.S.
Photo by Andrea Piacquadio
TPS doesn’t just keep people safe, it also allows them to support themselves. TPS recipients can apply for work authorization, meaning they can get jobs, pay taxes, and fully participate in the economy. Some even open businesses, buy homes, and become integral parts of their communities.
The U.S. Government Decides Which Countries Qualify
The Secretary of Homeland Security decides which countries qualify for TPS. This decision is made in consultation with other government agencies and is based on conditions in the home country. Once a country is designated for TPS, the decision can't be challenged in court and it’s entirely up to the U.S. government.
It’s Temporary, But Can Be Renewed
TPS is not a permanent immigration status. It’s granted for 6, 12, or 18 months at a time, and the U.S. government must reassess conditions in the home country before deciding whether to extend the designation. If the crisis continues, TPS can be renewed, but if the government decides the situation has improved, TPS holders may have to return home or find another legal status to remain in the U.S.
TPS Doesn't Lead to Citizenship
Despite being a lifeline for many, TPS does not provide a direct path to permanent residency or U.S. citizenship. It is strictly a temporary status meant to protect people until their home country stabilizes. However, some TPS holders may be able to adjust their status through family sponsorship, employment-based visas, or other immigration relief programs.
Hundreds of Thousands of People Rely on TPS
As of March 2024, around 863,880 people in the U.S. were living under TPS protections. Many of them have built their lives here, with long-standing ties to their communities. States with large TPS populations include Florida, Texas, and California, where recipients contribute to the economy and workforce.
Multiple Countries Have TPS Designation
TPS is currently granted to individuals from several countries, including Haiti, El Salvador, Honduras, Nepal, Nicaragua, Somalia, South Sudan, Sudan, Syria, and Yemen. While these designations change over time, they reflect ongoing crises that make returning unsafe for people from these nations.
TPS Holders Go Through Security Screenings
Photo by Towfiqu barbhuiya
Applying for TPS isn’t a free pass. Recipients must pass background checks and security screenings every time they renew their status, which is usually every 18 months. The process includes fingerprinting and background checks to ensure that recipients do not pose a security risk.
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From Protest to Power: How Latin America’s Feminist Movements Offer a Blueprint for U.S. Latinas
As March 8, 2025, approaches, Latin American feminist movements are preparing for another wave of International Women’s Day (IWD) mobilizations. Built on decades of Latin American activism, these annual demonstrations—marked by purple flags, green scarves, and demands for reproductive justice—contrast sharply with the escalating threats to Latinas in the U.S., where abortion bans, workplace inequities, and political marginalization signal a crisis of rights. The strategies honed in Latin America, from grassroots organizing to transnational legal advocacy, provide a critical roadmap for resilience that U.S. Latinas could leverage.
The Evolution of IWD in Latin America: Grassroots Mobilization to Institutional Change
Latin America’s IWD tradition has its origins in 20th-century anti-dictatorship movements, where groups like Chile’s Mujeres por la Vida (Women for Life) used public protests to demand democracy and an end to state violence. By the 2000s, activists expanded their focus, institutionalizing November 25 as the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women to honor the Mirabal sisters, murdered in 1960 under the Trujillo regime in the Dominican Republic. This fusion of historical memory and protest laid the groundwork for today’s movements.
The 2018 Marea Verde (Green Wave) marked a turning point. Originating in Argentina, the movement’s green scarves became synonymous with abortion rights, spreading to Mexico, Colombia, and Chile. By 2024, Colombia had decriminalized abortion through 24 weeks, Mexico’s Supreme Court legalized it federally, and Argentina—despite recent backlash—maintained its landmark 2020 legislation legalizing abortion up to 14 weeks of gestation. These victories are the result of sustained campaigns combining street mobilizations, constitutional challenges, and cross-border solidarity, not isolated protests.
Policy Advances, Implementation Gaps, Rollbacks, and Backlash
Latin America’s legal reforms reveal both progress and paradoxes. In Mexico, the 2023 IWD march drew around 100,000 participants advocating for pay equity and justice for femicide victims, yet the country still reports 11 femicides daily. Similarly, while 14 Latin American nations rank among the world’s worst for gender-based violence, countries like Bolivia (2012) and Ecuador (2014) have pioneered laws criminalizing femicide and political femicide—the killing of women for activism or leadership roles.
Economic justice remains a focal point. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) reports that 27.4% of women experience multidimensional poverty, and the World Economic Forum reported in 2021 that less than 40% of women in Central America have access to a bank account. Feminist groups increasingly tie gender equity to labor rights: Chile’s 2023 constitutional reform proposal, though unsuccessful, sought to guarantee state recognition and payment for care work.
The Chilean Congress is currently debating a bill presented in June 2024 that seeks to establish a National Care System known as "Chile Cuida.” This integrated care system combines public, community, and private initiatives to provide better-quality and more accessible care services.
Argentina’s recent regression under President Javier Milei illustrates the fragility of gains. Since taking office in December 2023, his administration has defunded the Women’s Affairs Ministry, dissolved the National Anti-Discrimination Agency, and labeled abortion “murder” in public addresses. Yet feminist networks have countered through decentralized organizing. Local asambleas (assemblies) now distribute abortion pills and provide legal aid, proving adaptability in hostile climates.
U.S. Latinas at a Crossroads: Applying Transnational Strategies
As Latin American feminists brace for 2025’s challenges, U.S. Latinas face escalating threats. Post-Roe abortion bans disproportionately affect them: 43% (6.7 million) live in states with near-total restrictions, concentrated in Texas, Florida, and Arizona. Workplace discrimination compounds these inequities—Latino workers face higher workplace fatality rates than the national average. In 2022, they were 24% more likely to die in workplace accidents compared to the rest of the population. Meanwhile, Project 2025, a conservative policy blueprint, seeks to dismantle DEI programs and expand immigration enforcement, risking further marginalization.
Despite the loss of reproductive rights and personal freedoms, Latin American feminist movements highlight tools that can be used in the U.S., such as leveraging economic power. Latinas wield $3.5 trillion in spending power, a tool increasingly mirrored in campaigns like the planned 2025 Latino Freeze boycott, targeting corporations that abandon DEI commitments. Such efforts echo Chile’s 2019 feminist strikes, which pressured lawmakers by highlighting women’s economic indispensability.
Building transnational legal networks is already in development, with U.S. organizers adopting tactics from Latin America, including acompañamiento networks that guide people to safe abortion care. Groups like the National Latina Institute for Reproductive Justice collaborate with Mexico’s Red Necesito Abortar to share telehealth resources and legal strategies to legally circumvent state bans.
Another critical strategy is increasing political representation. Latin America’s surge of female leaders—including Mexico’s first woman president, Claudia Sheinbaum—underscores the importance of electoral engagement. In the U.S., Latinos hold just 2% of congressional seats, with only 24 Latina representatives, despite comprising 19.5% of the population. Initiatives like Texas’ Jolt Action train Latina candidates using models adapted from Brazil’s Mulheres Negras Decidem (Black Women Decide).
International Women’s Day: Solidarity Beyond Borders
Latin America’s feminist movements prove that progress demands perpetual vigilance. As U.S. Latinas confront unprecedented rollbacks, the region’s blueprint—melding protest, policy, and transnational collaboration—offers a path forward. The 2025 IWD marches, taking place in Los Angeles, New York City, Chicago, Philadelphia, Boston, and other cities—will be a public display of resistance coordinated with others worldwide fighting against the same repressive regimes.
While the details of the future are unknown, if history is any indicator, women and their allies will not simply give up and stay home. Even in the face of violence and certain death, women have refused to stand down. There’s no reason to believe this era of feminist advocacy will be any different.