The Evolution of IWD in Latin America: Grassroots Mobilization to Institutional Change
Latin America’s IWD tradition has its origins in 20th-century anti-dictatorship movements, where groups like Chile’s Mujeres por la Vida (Women for Life) used public protests to demand democracy and an end to state violence. By the 2000s, activists expanded their focus, institutionalizing November 25 as the International Day for the Elimination of Violence Against Women to honor the Mirabal sisters, murdered in 1960 under the Trujillo regime in the Dominican Republic. This fusion of historical memory and protest laid the groundwork for today’s movements.
The 2018 Marea Verde (Green Wave) marked a turning point. Originating in Argentina, the movement’s green scarves became synonymous with abortion rights, spreading to Mexico, Colombia, and Chile. By 2024, Colombia had decriminalized abortion through 24 weeks, Mexico’s Supreme Court legalized it federally, and Argentina—despite recent backlash—maintained its landmark 2020 legislation legalizing abortion up to 14 weeks of gestation. These victories are the result of sustained campaigns combining street mobilizations, constitutional challenges, and cross-border solidarity, not isolated protests.
Policy Advances, Implementation Gaps, Rollbacks, and Backlash
Latin America’s legal reforms reveal both progress and paradoxes. In Mexico, the 2023 IWD march drew around 100,000 participants advocating for pay equity and justice for femicide victims, yet the country still reports 11 femicides daily. Similarly, while 14 Latin American nations rank among the world’s worst for gender-based violence, countries like Bolivia (2012) and Ecuador (2014) have pioneered laws criminalizing femicide and political femicide—the killing of women for activism or leadership roles.
Economic justice remains a focal point. The United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) reports that 27.4% of women experience multidimensional poverty, and the World Economic Forum reported in 2021 that less than 40% of women in Central America have access to a bank account. Feminist groups increasingly tie gender equity to labor rights: Chile’s 2023 constitutional reform proposal, though unsuccessful, sought to guarantee state recognition and payment for care work.
The Chilean Congress is currently debating a bill presented in June 2024 that seeks to establish a National Care System known as "Chile Cuida.” This integrated care system combines public, community, and private initiatives to provide better-quality and more accessible care services.
Argentina’s recent regression under President Javier Milei illustrates the fragility of gains. Since taking office in December 2023, his administration has defunded the Women’s Affairs Ministry, dissolved the National Anti-Discrimination Agency, and labeled abortion “murder” in public addresses. Yet feminist networks have countered through decentralized organizing. Local asambleas (assemblies) now distribute abortion pills and provide legal aid, proving adaptability in hostile climates.
U.S. Latinas at a Crossroads: Applying Transnational Strategies
As Latin American feminists brace for 2025’s challenges, U.S. Latinas face escalating threats. Post-Roe abortion bans disproportionately affect them: 43% (6.7 million) live in states with near-total restrictions, concentrated in Texas, Florida, and Arizona. Workplace discrimination compounds these inequities—Latino workers face higher workplace fatality rates than the national average. In 2022, they were 24% more likely to die in workplace accidents compared to the rest of the population. Meanwhile, Project 2025, a conservative policy blueprint, seeks to dismantle DEI programs and expand immigration enforcement, risking further marginalization.
Despite the loss of reproductive rights and personal freedoms, Latin American feminist movements highlight tools that can be used in the U.S., such as leveraging economic power. Latinas wield $3.5 trillion in spending power, a tool increasingly mirrored in campaigns like the planned 2025 Latino Freeze boycott, targeting corporations that abandon DEI commitments. Such efforts echo Chile’s 2019 feminist strikes, which pressured lawmakers by highlighting women’s economic indispensability.
Building transnational legal networks is already in development, with U.S. organizers adopting tactics from Latin America, including acompañamiento networks that guide people to safe abortion care. Groups like the National Latina Institute for Reproductive Justice collaborate with Mexico’s Red Necesito Abortar to share telehealth resources and legal strategies to legally circumvent state bans.
Another critical strategy is increasing political representation. Latin America’s surge of female leaders—including Mexico’s first woman president, Claudia Sheinbaum—underscores the importance of electoral engagement. In the U.S., Latinos hold just 2% of congressional seats, with only 24 Latina representatives, despite comprising 19.5% of the population. Initiatives like Texas’ Jolt Action train Latina candidates using models adapted from Brazil’s Mulheres Negras Decidem (Black Women Decide).
International Women’s Day: Solidarity Beyond Borders
Latin America’s feminist movements prove that progress demands perpetual vigilance. As U.S. Latinas confront unprecedented rollbacks, the region’s blueprint—melding protest, policy, and transnational collaboration—offers a path forward. The 2025 IWD marches, taking place in Los Angeles, New York City, Chicago, Philadelphia, Boston, and other cities—will be a public display of resistance coordinated with others worldwide fighting against the same repressive regimes.
While the details of the future are unknown, if history is any indicator, women and their allies will not simply give up and stay home. Even in the face of violence and certain death, women have refused to stand down. There’s no reason to believe this era of feminist advocacy will be any different.
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